Lincoln and his cabinet at the first reading of the Emancipation Proclamation, July 1862. U.S. Senate Collection |
A little over one-hundred fifty years
ago, on September 22, 1862, President Lincoln took a step he had planned for
months and proclaimed that as of January 1, 1863 “all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then
be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and
forever free.…” This marks a watershed moment in our nation’s history, when the
country began a long march toward practicing the ideals that are enshrined in
our Declaration of Independence. The importance of the Proclamation is
undeniable even though it did not actually free anyone. It only applied to the
slaves in the Confederate States, which were not under federal control. Yet, it
marked a realization on Lincoln ’s part that the Union could not be preserved with slavery intact and that
emancipation was essential to winning the war.
The proclamation was welcomed by the
enslaved, free blacks, and abolitionists. The Republican Geneva Courier gave
full support to the President’s announcement. The editors had supported
abolition at least since October 1855, when the newspaper’s masthead began
sporting the motto: “No More Compromises With Slavery—No More Slave
Territory—No More Slave States.” The Proclamation incensed Confederates and
Union Democrats. The Democratic Geneva Gazette suggested that Lincoln ’s move was
unconstitutional and that he had given in to pressure from the radicals in his
party. The editors believed “there has been no such staggering blow against the
fabric of our Union since the outbreak of the
rebellion.… It will swell the ranks of the rebellion…it [will] dishearten if
not to paralyze the efforts of our devoted Union army….” The Irish working
class was a major component of the Democratic Party in New York and Gazette articles also
played on their fears of losing jobs to black workers. A notice that a Philadelphia hotel had
fired all of its white workers and hired black workers was concluded with:
“Thus it is that Emancipation is coming home to the doors of the ‘poor whites.’
Hereafter we will have it—‘no whites need apply.’
Geneva Gazette, October 3, 1862 |
It is difficult to overstate white
Americans’ inability or unwillingness to imagine a way for millions of formerly
enslaved black people to live freely in “their” country. Lincoln
was actively considering ways to have freed slaves colonize land in the
Caribbean, South America or Africa (see this
blog by scholar Phil Magness). Even
many abolitionists simply could not imagine a world in which freed slaves could
live peacefully among their former masters. Some, including Lincoln, feared the
freed people would be subject to violent reprisals, others thought they would
take vengeance on their former masters, still others thought they were
incapable of supporting a democratic society. State Assemblyman Albert Andrus,
who “despise[d] the institution of slavery,” could also state in 1862, “For
surely no one could think of turning this black population loose upon the
whites of the South, nor does any one wish them sent among us at the North.” He
looked for God to deliver the nation from the slaves, “then may these States
live together in peace and harmony, as one great family…”
A speech by New York Assemblyman Gilbert
Dean reprinted in the February 27, 1863 Gazette is typical of the racist
opinions most white Americans had: “[Soldiers]…have hearts and brains; and if
you tell them that this war is to be perverted from the object for which it was
undertaken, that it is now to be prosecuted for the purpose of making eleven
States…a jungle like those of Africa…. I ask you to make enquiry of the
returned volunteer…—ask him if you could induce him to go into this war for the
extermination of the white men of the South, and the enthroning there a negro [sic] power. …[P]rogress is with our
race—while the African is necessarily dependent, and that never has the negro
race been capable of supporting a civil government.”
What is undocumented, however, is what the
African-American community in Geneva
thought about the Emancipation Proclamation, though we can assume that like
Frederick Douglass, they would “shout for joy that we live to record this
righteous decree.” Perhaps like Douglass and many abolitionists, the local
black community recognized the significance of this move, which according to Lincoln , transformed the
war into a war “of subjugation” in which “The South is to be destroyed and
replaced by new propositions and ideas.”
In the end, the North won the war, and
this is what happened. Unfortunately, the nation did not truly fulfill the
promise of emancipation until the African-American community stepped forward in
the 20th century to demand its fulfillment. On this year’s 150th anniversary of
the Proclamation, we are still dealing with the legacy of slavery in the United States
and searching for ways to move closer to the promise “that all men are created
equal.”